By C.F. Goodey
Beginning with the arguable speculation that not just human intelligence but in addition its antithesis 'intellectual incapacity' are not anything greater than historic contingencies, C.F. Goodey's paradigm-shifting research strains the wealthy interaction among human varieties and the noticeably altering features attributed to them. From the twelfth-century beginnings of ecu social management to the onset of formal human technology disciplines within the sleek period, "A historical past of Intelligence and 'Intellectual Disability'" reconstructs the sociopolitical and non secular contexts of highbrow skill and incapacity and demonstrates how those options grew to become a part of psychology, drugs and biology. Goodey examines a wide range of classical, overdue medieval and Renaissance texts, from well known publications on behavior and behaviour to scientific treatises and from non secular and philosophical works to poetry and drama. Focusing specially at the interval among the Protestant Reformation and 1700, Goodey demanding situations the authorised knowledge that may have us think that 'intelligence' and 'disability' describe traditional, trans-historical realities. as an alternative, Goodey argues for a version that perspectives highbrow incapacity and certainly the intellectually disabled individual as transitority cultural creations. His publication is destined to turn into a customary source for students drawn to the heritage of psychology and drugs, the social origins of human self-representation, and present moral debates in regards to the genetics of intelligence.
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Additional resources for A History of Intelligence and "Intellectual Disability"
V. M. Prest, Dear Miss Nightingale, Introduction, xxiv. R. Schlaifer, “Greek theories of slavery,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 47 (1936); O. ), La ‘Politique’ d’Aristote; A. Baruzzi, “Der Freie und der Sklave,” Philosophisches Jahrbuch, 77 (1970); W. Fortenbaugh, “Aristotle on slaves and women,” in Jonathan Barnes et al (eds), Articles on Aristotle, 2. Malcolm Schofield, “Ideology and philosophy in Aristotle’s theory of slavery,” in G. ’ Abraham Shulsky, “The ‘infrastructure’ of Aristotle’s Politics,” in C.
Perhaps then, all slaves were naturally so apart from the Athenians seized at Syracuse. One of the most embarrassing moments for the modern reader comes when Aristotle says it is the “nature and ability” of a slave to be someone else’s possession. Translators try to excuse him by rendering the second of these terms as “office,” or “quality,” rather than ability. To say, not just that slaves are other people’s possessions, but that it is their ability or capacity to be so, seems cruel, even perverse (though if they were our modern “intellectual disabled” people rather than racial others the denial of their autonomy might seem less embarrassing).
So “possessing an apprehension of justice” is already contained within the overall idea of “apprehending reason,” whatever the social status of the possessor. 31 Perhaps he is being extra clear. The particular Greek word he chooses for “possess” (ekhein) is one that emphasizes use over acquisition. Slaves do not fully use their reason because the structure of the community is such that it is not required of them. This does not stop them from “having” it in a broader sense. The notion of some modern commentators that Aristotle’s so-called natural slaves were an interstitial type between humans and other animals, defined by differential intellect, therefore seems unsustainable.
A History of Intelligence and "Intellectual Disability" by C.F. Goodey